Promedio academico de raul alfonsin biography

La resistencia sindical , en Nuestra Historia del 27 de febrero de Archivado desde el original el 1 de mayo de Consultado el 17 de septiembre de Estado Mayor Conjunto de Argentina. Archivado desde el original el 3 de septiembre de Un operativo de madrugada para llevarse documentos de la Conadep». Archivado desde el original el 14 de mayo de Consultado el 14 de mayo de La Izquierda Diario - Red internacional.

Archivado desde el original el 11 de enero de Consultado el 22 de febrero de Archivado desde el original el 26 de enero de Consultado el 18 de agosto de Diario Judicial. Agencia Paco Urondo Periodismo militante. Consultado el 2 de agosto de Consultado el 25 de agosto de Archivado desde el original el 5 de marzo de Consultado el 29 de junio de Abuelas de Plaza de Mayo, ed.

Archivado desde el original el 24 de agosto de Consultado el 29 de julio de Buenos Aires: Grijalbo, Archivado desde el original el 3 de febrero de Consultado el 12 de mayo de Archivado desde el original el 5 de abril de Consultado el 1 de abril de Archivado desde el original el 10 de agosto de El Tribuno Salta. Consultado el 17 de marzo de Archivado desde el original el 18 de diciembre de Consultado el 17 de mayo de Consultado el 30 de abril de Consultado el 21 de agosto de Buenos Aires: Sudamericana-Planeta.

Texto completo. Historia Argentina. Buenos Aires: Planeta Sedna. Texto completo consultado 5-may Buenos Aires: Ariel. Historia del movimiento obrero argentino , 2 Tomos. La Alianza. Buenos Aires:Sudamericana. Todo es Historia. Noviembre Buenos Aires: Unilat. Mitos y verdades del padre de la democracia", Buenos Aires, Aguilar. NET s. Buenos Aires: todo.

Romero, Luis Alberto Consultado el 18 de marzo de Convocatoria del gobierno a Plaza de Mayo el 23 de mayo de ». Acto de homenaje en el Luna Park». Although his father disliked the military, he thought that a military high school would have a similar quality to a private school without being as expensive. He did not pursue a military career and began studying law instead.

He began his studies at the National University of La Plata , and completed them at the University of Buenos Aires , graduating at the age of He was not a successful lawyer, he was usually absent from his workplace and frequently in debt. He moved to La Plata, the capital of the province, during his tenure. President Frondizi was ousted by a military coup on 29 March , which also closed the provincial legislature.

In he was appointed president of the party committee for the province of Buenos Aires. Illia was deposed by a new military coup in June , the Argentine Revolution. He was forced to resign as a deputy in November He was detained a third time in after a political rally in La Plata. The Dirty War began during this time, as many guerrilla groups rejected both the right-wing military dictatorship and the civil governments, preferring instead a left-wing dictatorship aligned with the Soviet Union, as in the Cuban Revolution.

The military dictatorship finally called for free elections, allowing Peronism which had been banned since to take part in them. He served as the defense lawyer for Mario Roberto Santucho , leader of the ERP guerrillas, but only to carry out due process of law, and not because of a genuine desire to support him. He established the magazine Propuesta y control in , one of the few magazines that criticized the military dictatorship during its early stages.

The magazine was published up to The proposal did not get enough support, as Peronist Deolindo Bittel proposed another post-war scenario: electing a prime minister selected by a committee of generals and politicians. In this scenario, the military would keep a veto power and would guide the new government for at least two years. Antonio Trocolli, former leader of the Radical Congress, rejected both proposals as impracticable.

The Falklands Wars were lost, and the military lifted the ban on political activities on the promise to hold elections. This was a calculated move to make the politicians focus on internal infighting, instead of blaming the military for the defeat. The plan did not work as intended, as the political parties united in a ad hoc coalition, the "Multipartidaria", that rejected the military attempt to control the new government and asked to speed up the elections, which were called for October He made a new political rally at the Luna Park , with a success comparable to a United States presidential primary.

His campaign used a non-confrontational approach, in stark contrast with the Peronist candidate for the governorship of the Buenos Aires province, Herminio Iglesias. Iglesias burned a coffin with the seals of the UCR on live television, which generated a political scandal. During the campaign, both parties made similar proposals to reduce authoritarianism and the political influence of the military, and to maintain the Argentine claim in the Falkland Islands sovereignty dispute.

He maintained that the armed forces should be subject to the civilian government and that unions should be regulated. He also proposed an investigation into the actions of the military during the Dirty War. He closed his campaign by reading the preamble of the constitution of Argentina. The elections were held on 30 October. The UCR won seats in the Assembly, forming a majority; and 18 seats in the Senate, constituting a minority.

There were still factions in the military ambitious to keep an authoritarian government, and groups such as the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo seeking reparations for the actions of the military during the Dirty War. This made it possible for the judiciary to investigate the crimes committed during the Dirty War. Juan Carlos Pugliese led the chamber of deputies, and Edison Otero was the provisional president of the senate.

Many presidential negotiations took place at the Quinta de Olivos , the official residence of the president, rather than at the Casa Rosada.

Promedio academico de raul alfonsin biography

This project was resisted by human rights organizations such as Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo and public opinion, [ 31 ] as it was expected that the defendants would be acquitted or receive low sentences. President Leopoldo Galtieri was acquitted of charges related to the repression, but he was court-martialed in May for malfeasance during the Falklands War.

The trials did not focus only on the military: Mario Firmenich was captured in Brazil in and extradited to Argentina. The military was supported by the families of the victims of subversion, a group created to counter the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo. This group placed the blame for the Dirty War on the guerrillas but had few followers.

As that was not enough, he proposed the full stop law , to set a deadline for Dirty War-related prosecutions. The Congress approved the law, despite strong opposition from the public. Prosecutors rushed to start cases before the deadline, filing charges against officers, with of them still in active service. The rebels were called " Carapintadas " Spanish : "Painted faces" because of their use of military camouflage.

He announced the end of the crisis from the balcony of the Casa Rosada. Aldo Rico escaped from prison in January and started a new mutiny in a distant regiment in the northeast. This time, both the military support for the mutiny and the public outcry against it were minimal. The army attacked him, and Rico surrendered after a brief combat.

As in , the mutineers were defeated and jailed, but the military was reluctant to open fire against them. The army killed many of its members and quickly defeated the uprising. During his tenure, Alfonsin clashed with labor unions in Argentina over economic reforms and trade liberalization policies. He proposed to change the laws for those internal elections, remove the union leaders appointed during the dictatorship, and elect new ones under the new laws.

As a result, the unions remained Peronist. It was an ambitious project, which is known as the Patagonia Project, whose purpose was to decentralize the political and economic power of the country, excessively concentrated in Greater Buenos Aires, also promoting the settlement of Patagonia. To carry out the project, the National Congress sanctioned Law No.

The project was strongly rejected by sectors linked to the political and economic interests of the city of Buenos Aires and by the Buenos Aires media, which called it "expensive", " pharaonic" and "unnecessary". These sectors did everything in their power to bring it down. A great debate was also opened on the eventuality that the City of Buenos Aires would return to the jurisdiction of the province of Buenos Aires, which was resolved with article 6 of Law 23,, which established the provincialization of the City once the federal authorities were established in the new capital and that a Constituent Convention should be called to organize its institutions.

This law was the immediate antecedent of the current Buenos Aires autonomy. The transfer law was repealed by Congress through the sanction of the Argentine Legal Digest. That was a rude mistake". The officials appointed by him as head of ENTECAP are also criticized for delaying the time by making studies and models and for designing a project that was too expensive, which gave arguments to the opponents of it.

This body was also highly questioned for operating more in Buenos Aires than in Viedma, where it should have its headquarters. In he included the issue in point III, which refers to Federalism, of the Bases of Political Action of the Radical Civic Union, which says: «Promote territorial reorganization and decentralization of the population. The Constituent Convention of , which arose from the signing of the Pact of Olivos, introduced in the new constitutional text the possibility of moving the Federal Capital out of the City of Buenos Aires and the provincialization of the latter, through the Articles 45 and The first of these maintains that "The Chamber of Deputies will be made up of representatives directly elected by the people of the provinces, of the city of Buenos Aires, and of the Capital in case of transfer A law will guarantee the interests of the National State, while the city of Buenos Aires is the capital of the nation…".

When the government took office, the data from the census indicated an illiteracy rate of 6. In the census, illiteracy had been reduced to 3. At the University, he reorganized the national universities under the principles of the University Reform, basically guaranteeing full university autonomy, co-government between teachers, students and graduates and free undergraduate studies.

In , by Law No. And during that pedagogical Congress, two approaches were confronted with respect to this. The statist approach was promoted by radicals and communists; and the non-statist approach, which was finally the one that triumphed, was defended by the Argentine Episcopal Conference, the Christian Democratic Party, the Justicialista Party, the Union of the Democratic Center, the Integration and Development Movement and a huge mobilization of parents They had their children in private schools.

The arrival of democracy in would eliminate ideological persecution, but the policies implemented by the various governments continued to be of involution, and there was no comprehensive development project. The economic, political and cultural vacuum made a realistic scientific policy impossible. It ended the brain drain for political reasons, but it increased due to economic reasons, due to continued adjustments and lack of work opportunities.

The Civil Science Society Today, a non-profit civil entity that disseminates the current state and the progress achieved in the scientific and technological production of Argentina and Uruguay, made in the editorial of its journal, in , the following comment:. In Manuel Sadosky, as secretary of science and technology, promoted the creation of a national computer commission to establish the basis for a national computer and technology plan.

Both initiatives aimed to train people with computer skills and able to act as teachers and researchers to be able to meet the needs of development and future postgraduate studies in Latin America. Sadosky performs a memory of his management where he states: " The leaders of our society are not generally aware of the importance of human resources with a scientific qualification for national development.

Our leaders do not understand why it is important for the country to have as many scientists and technologists as possible. This is the consequence of what has been called an alien vision of development. As far as CONICET is concerned, the subsidy mechanism is changed, from relying on the directors of the institute to be made through public calls.

It highlights the creation of a single university, the National University of Formosa The priorities were to strengthen the democratic system in Argentina, prevent the Cold War from regenerating the concept of national security, promote the regional democratization process, resolve border issues, generate greater regional negotiating capacity against the great powers and promote integration.

Caputo was elected president of the United Nations General Assembly in During his government, he made a series of international trips, including to the United States, the Soviet Union, China, Spain, and Cuba. Lots of claps, lots of parola. And little twine". He developed a policy of explicit support and support for the opposition parties.

In Chile he promoted the coalition of the center and the left to resist Pinochet, in Paraguay he pressured Alfredo Stroessner and in support of the parties opposed to the ruling Colorado. He gave the head of state treatment to the leader of the Uruguayan White party, Wilson Ferreyra Aldunate, outlawed by the military regime. By supporting peace with Chile and integration with Brazil, Argentina eliminated the two oldest hypotheses of war.

Instead, she did not resume relations with Britain and kept up missile development, with the purpose of putting pressure on Britain with the Condor II, whose range included the Falkland Islands. The purpose: to resume negotiations for the recovery of the archipelago by peaceful means. He also imagined the Contadora Support Group, to promote, together with Brazil and other South American nations, a process of rapprochement in the Central American crisis and avoid an intervention by the United States, which supported the Nicaraguan contras.

From then on, the integration project developed rapidly:. In , the British Queen released the Arbitration Award of , which had been given to her for her knowledge and publication by an Arbitral Court of five judges appointed in by mutual agreement between presidents Allende and Lanusse. The sentence, see text deposited in the United Nations Beagle Channel Arbitration between the Republic of Argentina and the Republic of Chile , Report and decision of the Court of Arbitration , determined that the disputed islands belonged to Chili.

The Argentine military government declared the award null and void and subsequently launched Operation Sovereignty to occupy the islands. From then on, the Holy See remained a mediator trying to bring the parties to an agreement that did not contradict the award of the British Crown. In , mediation was practically exhausted and Chile was still governed by a military dictatorship.

The persistence of the conflict was a factor strengthening militarism in both countries, and therefore an immediate threat to Argentine democracy. In , the pope presented a second solution proposal the first had been rejected by Argentina. But the Alfonsinista government assessed that the most critical moment was going to occur when the Holy See's proposal was known, and the nationalist sectors began to question it, underlining the losses of sovereignty against their maximum claim.

There was a certain danger that the Peronist majority in the Senate, pressured by the demand to defend sovereignty, would reject the proposal of Pope John Paul II. The Act was signed by 16 political parties, including Peronism, being rejected by 4. Under these conditions, the famous television debate between Dante Caputo and Vicente Saadi took place, which had a decisive impact on the triumph of the "SI" to the papal proposal.

On November 25, , the plebiscite was held and the "SI" with a support of Then a new problem appeared. And he hopes to secure a safe rear on the Argentine side of the cordillera, with the backing of the Argentine PC. The Soviets denied his participation. A year later, the PC of Chile abandoned the military line. The heterogeneity of the Latin American countries, and mainly the final decision of Mexico and Brazil to negotiate bilaterally, considerably limited the possibilities that joint action opened up.

On June 21 and 22, , the foreign ministers and economy ministers of Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia, Chile, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Mexico, Peru, Uruguay, and Venezuela met in the Colombian city of Cartagena to form the Cartagena Group in which the maximum position promoted by Argentina to create a practical mechanism of the highest level for joint action in foreign debt negotiations did not prosper, but it issued a document called the Cartagena Consensus which created a regional consultation and follow-up mechanism.

In , the Cartagena Group considered the "Baker Plan" insufficient. With this objective, the Argentine government promoted support for the Contadora Group, a joint action initiative to promote peace in Central America that Colombia, Mexico, Panama, and Venezuela had established in January Both groups of countries together became known as the Group of Eight, and it played a very important role in the pacification of Central America.

Particularly important was its performance when the Central American countries adhered to the proposals of the Group of Eight, on January 14, through the Guatemala Declaration. Later, the Group of Eight expanded its concerns to other problems of regional interest, addressing the situation of the Malvinas Islands urging negotiations between Argentina and Great Britain , the foreign debt and protectionism in developed countries.

They quickly spread to other cities, including the GBA itself. The police reaction itself was rather passive during the first two days, which contributed to the generalization of the disturbances. It is still open to debate whether this passivity was on purpose or if, on the contrary, the police were caught off guard and soon found themselves overwhelmed by the massive dimension that the riots reached.

The announcement caught even Menem himself off guard, who did not want to take power so soon, so after negotiations it was agreed that the transfer of command would take place on July 8. With this measure he sought to appease the plight of the country. However, as the months passed, the worsening of the recession diminished the possibility of victory.

This announcement surprised Menem himself, who had no plans to take power so soon, so negotiations began between both. As for hyperinflation, it would prove difficult to stamp out completely, and would continue after Menem's inauguration. At that time, fundamental transformations were taking place in the world that little by little would be called "globalization ".

The Menem government was adjusting his policies to the dynamics of globalization, but in the early s there was great confusion about the true nature of the process. Immediately afterwards he secretly met with Menem in the house of its former foreign minister, Dante Caputo, who was in Haiti, near the presidential residence, and ended up reaching an agreement known as the Pact of Olive Trees.

The Pact of Olivos was an agreement to reform the National Constitution but establishing basic guidelines on the conditions of the re-election of the president and the contents of the constitutional reform. There it was agreed not to hold a plebiscite, and to accept the one-time re-election of the acting president, but shortening the first term, at the same time that the terms of the senators were shortened, a third senator was incorporated by the minority, it was established the figure of the Chief of Staff and the Council of the Magistracy to attenuate presidentialism, while the decree-laws were subjected to precise rules, several third and fourth generation rights were included and priority was given to international treaties over the laws.

The Constituent Convention met in the City of Santa Fe between May and August and produced the important Constitutional Reform of in which 43 articles were modified. The Pact of Olivos had a very negative impact on the UCR, which in the elections for conventional constituents obtained the lowest percentage in its history up to then In this role, he managed in the incorporation of the Radical Civic Union to the Socialist International.

By the end of February , the former president had begun a proselytizing tour of radical nuclei in the province of Buenos Aires, in an attempt to sustain a party that was falling apart after the early end of his term. That day, the hotel and the committee received bomb threats, something routine for the former president. At p. Expressionless, a young man standing to one side of the box, a handful of meters from the ex-president, takes out a long caliber revolver, aims and fires, but thanks to a failure in the barrel of the weapon, he did not achieve his goal.

The former president, without really knowing what had happened, took up the microphone and concluded his speech. In he had left everything to enter the Mormon church and preach the gospel in Buenos Aires. Two years later, he took his own life. Prior to this attack, he had suffered two other assassination attempts. A bomb was found that would detonate when the president arrived at the scene.

The attack was discovered and impossible to specify. The second attempted attempt on his life was in October , when he had already left the Presidency. It was an attack without warning or threat. Miraculously, the president was not at his home when the bomb exploded. The hearth was empty. January 10, Retrieved January 10, from Encyclopedia.

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